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IHD l ll a - lull US I8 EIGII MINDS BURNS OFFICIAL USE DUTGDING TELEGHAM UNCLASSIFIED US Department Of State Case No Doc NO 006476541 Date 01 01 2018 UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016-07743 Doc No 006476533 Date 01 11 2018 1 Id a 7- 7 74 I DEPARTMENT DFSTATE c 20520 Fag-E6 July 30 1982 BS feet W W C 20550 Washington D Dear Mr Greenberg Thank you for your thoughtful and cogent Dissent Message It received wide distribution within the Department and many of the issues you raised were given careful consideration in our review of Alliance policy preceding the Versailles and Bonn Summits It was useful to have your views as these deliberations took place and continues to be so as our Alliance policy evolves still further Your general pointseregarding sanctio'ns will be kept in mind as we develop our East-West policies and certainly many of your points are congruent with the President s recent decision on exports of energy technology to the USSR This having been said the basic dilemmas you pose will continue to preoccupy members of the Department for some time to come Let me share with you the basic assumptions governing the Department's approach to Alliance relationships and East-West issues First the US strategic interest in maintaining a strong and effective alliance of free nations transcends both the frustration that we experience and the costs that we hear when Europeans follow political and economic policies that are incongruent with our own Second the broad commonality of interests between America and Western Europe -- in deterring Soviet aggression and preserving our democratic and free market economic systems -- is much more important than the various divergencies that arise over specific economic and security issues Third the United States cannot successfully go it alone -- whether through isolation or unilateralism -- in a hostile and dangerous world Cooperation among the' small fraternity of industrial democracies is more important than ever if America is to ensure its security and achieve its policy objectives in the complex world of the 19805 49% R05 3 7 30 92 UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016-07743 Doc No 006476533 Date 01 1112018 UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016a0 743 Doc Ne 006476533 Date Obviously as in any alliance there is a point at which the negative effects of divergent policies overcomes the positive aspect of the alliance itself If this point a of divergence were reached it would not be in our interests - to maintain our alliance posture to the degree that we do today Events of the last months have had an erosive effect on the solidarity and climate for cooperation within the Alliance and some voices in Congress and the public have begun to question the net value of the Alliance for 0 5 interests This having been said we believe that the interests that unite the 0 5 and the Europeans are far greater than the current transitory differences As you know very well from your service in Europe current differences among the Allies are neither a new nor surprising feature of post-war Alliance history Sixteen nations of differing sizel wealth geography history culture and power are bound to see their respective interests through national lenses indeed national differences generated two European civil wars earlier in the 20th century What is truly remark- able about the Atlantic Alliance is not the frequent emergence of national differences but the degree of Allied solidarity that has been manifest and the consequent peace and prosperity that two generations of Americans and Europeans have enjoyed As the President indicated at the Bonn NATO Summit our ability to deal with diversity is the basic strength of the Alliance and the quality that most sets us apart from the Soviet Union in relation to its satellites On any given set of issues Alliance politics require us to weigh the costs and benefits of trying to press for European support Too heavy- handed a US approach could cause other allies to pursue an even more independent and narrowly se1f$interested course of action That said however the benefits of allied collaboration can only be derived if our European partners do in fact cooperate Thirty-seven years after HWII this does not mean signing on the-US dotted line Each of our allies has its own national interests and aspirations But you are quite right in pointing out forcefully that there is room for considerable improvement in Alliance cooperation and that the US should seek greater European support of American policy goals--goals which are in the common interest -- NATO's conventional defense posture remains unsatis- factory despite progress in the LTDP and the recent Host-Nation Support Agreement We regard the Bonn Declaration on Conventional Defense as a mandate for action UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016-07743 Doc No 006476533 Date 01 11 2018 UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016-07743 Doc No 006476533 Date 01l1112018 -- Arms control must be pursued in a vigorous and realistic manner and the INF deployment element of the December 1979 two-track decision must be implemented on schedule unless the Geneva talks succeed before then - Increased access to Western technology and credits has strengthened Soviet military power Allied cooperatidn must be improved in this area We intend to follow up the Versailles admonition for greater prudence on East-West credits and the COCOM work limiting technology transfer - -- European energy relationships with the Soviet Union have been of deep concern to the US and the President's recent decision should communicate to our allies that we are serious in our concern about energy dependence on the USSR Soviet access to hard currency and Soviet lack of respon- siveness on the issue of repression in Poland we need to do better in developing- common policies toward the Soviet Union This will not be easy given differing appraisals of the detente experience of the 19705 and the 'national interests of the Alliance partners The President has made clear that we will be focusing on Soviet deeds rather than words in formulating US policies This will be very important in the area of sanctions vis-a-vis the Soviet Union and the Jaruzelski regime in Warsaw In this perSpective I believe the-Administration is pursuing many of the goals that you advocate so vigorously in your Dissent Message The major difference between us appears to be over the tactics most likely to achieve these objectives But these tactical differences are important ones with signi- ficant implications for both allied relations and broader US interests You are quite right that the United States fought two major wars to stop Soviet-backed aggression in the Third World I also note your point that the_ allies should not pursue practices that make similar were for the United States more likely and costly The issue is how to gain allied support for US policies after a period of Soviet military build- up and in the face of Western economic difficulties and memories of earlier US vacillation This Administration is seeking to reverse these economic and military trends at home and overseas We must recognize that patience and determination are the twin ingredients of a diplomacy that can enlist the support of sometimes uncertain allies We intend to persevere toward these goals which UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016-07743 Doc No C06476533 Date 01 1112018 UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No Doc No 006476533 Date 01 11 2018 appear to be consistent with your own But the vitality of the Alliance its importance to US interests and the nature of the Soviet threat prevent me from supporting your pessimistic conclusion that the United States must radically rethink the place of the alliance in its priorities and what the proper political economic and public relations posture of-the United States toward the Europeans should be given present trends in Europe and the likely challenges facing the United States in the coming decade Trade-offs whether implicit or explicit are the very essence of diplomatic relationships even among allies But I cannot subscribe to your recommendation that we apply a policy of linkage with respect to the Europeans that in its most extreme form would make U S support for European defense contingent on European cooperation on economic sanctions against the Soviet Union First U S troops are in Europe to support our own security objectives not just those of the Europeans Second once we start treating the Europeans like adversaries rather than allies- by applying the harsh forms of linkage that you seem to suggest -- we will have created the conditions for a self- -fulfilling prophecy that none of us want to see come to pass On some of the specific measure that you suggest let me respond by saying that -- The attention that you call to U 5 versus European contributions to NATO as perc_entages of G N P must be counter- balanced with an appreciation of what is purchased with the European contribution The Europeans provide the vast majority of the manpower deployed in the European theater on a regular basis 90% of land forces 80% of_ its naval forces and 75% of its air forc_e After 30 days of mobilization the European allies would still provide 75% of the ground forces 50% of the air forces and 30% of the naval forces The Europeans also provide a substantial part of the equipment and a significant percentage of the'infrastructure of NATO thereby making a major contribution to the conventional deterrent to Soviet aggression -- Imposition of technology controls on exports to Western Europe in order to level greater European cooperation in implementing strategic controls on trade with the Soviet Union is likely not only to exacerbate alliance relationships but also to have a counter-productive opposite effect in the economic sphere The Europeans-possibly would see it in their interests to attempt to develop their own substitutes for U S compbnents UNCLASSIFIED US Department of State Case No F-2016-O7743 Doc No 006476533 Date 01111 2018